Being in Japan during this election is an opportunity to write about more than just what is in the papers. Instead, I would like to write about what my Japanese university friends are thinking and feeling about this election. May it be of interest, if not use.
Upfront the results are, DPJ 7, LDP 3, Undecided 3. Survey results not to be extrapolated from as Meiji Uni is noted as left leaning, and disproportionate number surveyed are men (10) and non-scientific methods were used in collection of data (some subjects spoke in the proximity of alcohol). I will talk first about the post-grads, with whom I have more contact and more interesting observations.
Firstly, most post-grads are voting for the DPJ. But despite the fact that most are voting for the DPJ, as expected of young urbanites, none of them are really happy it. Their support for the DPJ is based more on a rejection of the ruling LDP rather than support for the DPJ itself.
This can be seen in how many of them project the outcome of the election. Although recent polling suggests that the DPJ might take as many as 300 of the 480 seats thereby establishing single party government, all post-grad students projected that the DPJ would have to form a coalition. Even those most emotionally interested in the DPJ winning an absolute majority said they could not believe that it would actually occur; this student projecting 220-230 seats for the DPJ. Those declaring an intention to vote for the LDP agreed, believing that the DPJ would win government but fall short of an absolute majority.
I asked what would happen if the DPJ failed to win single party government, one student responded ominously, “if the DPJ forms coalition with the Social Democrats they are finished. If the DPJ forms coalition with the Communists, they are finished. If the DPJ forms coalition with the Kokumin Shin Tou, they are finished. And if they are foolish enough to form coalition with either the LDP or Komeito, then they are finished for good.”
This unhappiness with either the LDP or DPJ is at least a little troubling. It suggests that this, the next generation of voters, have neither loyalty to the LDP or to any other party. I asked some of the post-grads if they are not loyal to party, what are they politically loyal to (ideas? money?) - and got mostly uncomfortable silence. One answered honestly that her vote depended mostly on her parents, and that their decision was in turn based mostly on which of the two parties would provide more for them financially (answer: LDP). Another LDP inclined voter, although extremely unhappy about it, noted that he thought that the DPJ would be even more disorderly that the LDP and in particular their ideas about national defense were idealistic (he means, dangerous). He said he valued stability. That seems to be word which came up often as well.
On the other hand, another of the post-grads told me that he will vote for the DPJ just s to see the mythic seiken kotai, he believed that otherwise the two parties were as bad as each other. Another declared DPJ voter was more firm about in his reasons, stating that while the DPJ is a little idealistic, idealism is what Japan needs now. Most others were vague in the reasons for their support of the DPJ, it is possible they may be being influenced by a zeitgeist of change coming from the US. Indeed, DPJ Hatoyama has deliberately used this English word in order I suspect foment such a mood. The point again to be underlined is that the support for the DPJ is fragile, even among this demographic which ought to be supporting them.
The undergraduates that I have talked were also undecided on the whole about which of the two parties to support (none of them mentioned any of the smaller parties). For these undergraduates, this was their first election and making a decision about which party to support was proving difficult. Although they read the newspaper and knew a few things about the parties, they were less informed (as expected) than the older (more mature?) post grad cohort. I asked why had not they decided, and the answer seems to be that they feel that they just do not “know” which is better. One of them reflected that his parents had not decided yet, so how could he. Most agreed that they would decide on the day.
Interestingly, levels of awareness of the two parties policy platforms (manifestos) is unbalanced. Most are aware (and not enthusiastic) about the DPJ’s policies, but they are not so aware of the LDP’s policy – strange given that the LDP ought be considered the default base from which one compares alternate policies. This probably can be chalked up to the media, which has focused on some of the less well thought out DPJ policies. In particular, problems over funding their child support and highway policies while not at the same time raising the consumption tax. This means that for some of the DPJ they are comparing the policies they know that DPJ is promoting with “nothing.” This stand in contrast with the post-grads who were comparing the two parties manifestoes.
In conclusion, talking to the university students has me a little concerned. A lot of newspapers are already calling the election for the DPJ. Some are suggesting a landslide victory the DPJ propelling them into single party government. But my friends and colleagues at university are less sure. This election holds the promise of change, no doubt, but it also holds the potential wreck Japanese self-confidence if the DPJ unable to do anything either due to its own failings or because they are forced into coalition.
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